As Gaza War Is Largely Ignored on DNC Stage, Doubts Grow over Blinken’s Claims on Ceasefire Talks

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: The Israeli military has ordered new evacuations from areas in Deir al-Balah, signaling an expansion of Israel’s ground operations in central Gaza. Deir al-Balah is the only remaining standing city in the entire Gaza Strip and is currently home to more than a million displaced Palestinians. An Israeli airstrike on a market in the city on Tuesday killed at least seven people and wounded dozens more. At least 50 Palestinians have been killed in the last 24 hours, according to the Health Ministry in Gaza.

On Tuesday, Secretary of State Antony Blinken ended his ninth visit to the Middle East since October without securing any breakthrough for a ceasefire deal. Blinken has said that Israel has accepted a so-called bridging proposal put forward by the U.S. and now the focus should be on Hamas to, quote, “get on board” as soon as possible. But few details have been released about what is in the bridging proposal, and Hamas has called it a reversal of what it had previously agreed to, accusing the U.S. of acquiescing to new conditions from Israel.

Over 40,200 Palestinians have been killed in Israel’s assault on Gaza and nearly 93,000 wounded since October.

AMY GOODMAN: Here in Chicago, Gaza has hardly been mentioned by top Democrats speaking on the main stage at the DNC this week. On Monday, the Democratic National Convention voted to adopt the party’s official platform — that’s the Democratic National Committee — which does not call for an arms embargo on Israel and reasserts unwavering U.S. support for Israel. President Biden gave a 50-minute address on the opening night of the convention. This is all he had to say about the war on Gaza.

PRESIDENT JOE BIDEN: We’re working around the clock, my secretary of state, to prevent a wider war and reunite hostages with their families and surge humanitarian health and food assistance into Gaza now, to end the civilian suffering of the Palestinian people and finally, finally, finally deliver a ceasefire and end this war. … Those protesters out in the street, they have a point. A lot of innocent people are being killed, on both sides.

AMY GOODMAN: For more, we’re joined by Zaha Hassan, a human rights lawyer, a fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. She was previously the senior legal adviser to the Palestinian negotiating team during Palestine’s bid for U.N. membership.

Welcome to Democracy Now!, Zaha. We want to talk about what the Democrats are saying about Gaza now, and, you know, back to Obama, Clinton. But let’s start with the latest news. Antony Blinken has just finished his trip, did not secure a ceasefire. Explain what’s taken place.

ZAHA HASSAN: Well, you said in your opening remarks that Antony Blinken, the secretary of state, said he had a bridging proposal — right? — that this was supposed to get us to a ceasefire and that all we needed was Hamas to agree. The bridge apparently is a bridge to nowhere, because a deal was struck on May 31st, and that was supposed to be a deal that Israel wanted and that the U.S. supported. Hamas agreed to it. And what we have now is a new agreement that’s being called an implementing agreement, but we don’t have the details. But what we do know is that Israel has said it’s not after a permanent ceasefire, and it’s not intending to leave the Philadelphi Corridor, which is along the border between Egypt and Gaza. These are nonstarters for Hamas, and the Israeli security officials that are involved in the negotiations know that. And they’re baffled by this notion that, you know, according to the U.S. position, that we’re closer than we ever were, because they know that these aren’t positions that Hamas is going to agree to.

Hamas has their concerns. They want to be able to stay in Gaza. They want to make sure that they have achieved something, after all the destruction and all of the death. And for them, the achievement would be being able to pick the hostages or the prisoners that they want released. And it would be being able to stay in Gaza and being able to rebuild and to show Palestinians that they’ve achieved something and they’ve made Israel concede something. And that’s not what’s happening in this latest rendition of an agreement.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, even The New York Times today is reporting that, according to some people close to the negotiations, that the U.S. has changed the original proposal that Biden said had been agreed to, to please some of the concerns of Israel. I’m wondering, this whole thing of constantly saying, “We’re almost there. We’re almost there,” while more and more people are being killed every day, what that does to the — again, to the credibility of the United States before the world community.

ZAHA HASSAN: No, it’s completely shattered at this point, because we all know what it’s going to take to get across the finish line in terms of an agreement. We have Qatar and Egypt putting all pressure on Hamas. Hamas is reliant on Egypt for that border, that it needs to have some kind of, you know, movement and access. And Qatar has Hamas officials, and it can force them out of its country. So there’s a lot of pressure on Hamas’s side. On the Israeli side, you have zero pressure from the U.S. There is no willingness to use any pressure on Israel to get to an agreement. We know that the families of the hostages, the Israeli hostages, they’ve beseeched the U.S. to, “Please, use your leverage on Israel,” because they know that their prime minister has no incentive to conclude a deal.

AMY GOODMAN: So, instead, it was announced last week that the Biden administration and Congress have approved $20 billion more in military sales, before this final negotiation, as opposed to holding out as a carrot to Netanyahu after.

ZAHA HASSAN: So, yes, exactly. What’s the message, then, to Netanyahu? That he can continue to hold out, hold his position, avoid accountability for his failure of leadership for October 7th, avoid corruption charges that are awaiting him, and stay in office and maintain his coalition, and he’ll still get benefits from the U.S.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: I’m wondering — at last night’s convention, even Bernie Sanders, who has spoken out in the past, he did mention that we must have an immediate ceasefire, but even he didn’t mention all that is needed for a ceasefire is for the U.S. to cut off arms supplies to Israel. That would be the real leverage that the United States has.

ZAHA HASSAN: You’re right. I mean, there could have been a lot more said by a lot of different people that took to the main stage last night and the night before. You know, saying that we’re working for a ceasefire or that we’re calling for a ceasefire is not what’s needed. But, you know, these conventions are heavily managed stagecraft, and everyone wants to have, you know, sort of a uniting voice and a uniting spirit in this convention setting, given how much is riding on this next election, given what might happen in November with a Republican return with Donald Trump at the helm. So, there is this idea that, you know, we don’t want to show too much disunity.

So I think that there has been much more muted references to Gaza in this convention, which is unfortunate, because if you go to the streets and you see the thousands that have shown up here in Chicago to demand — people from all walks of life, diverse backgrounds, coming to say, “No, this is an important issue to us,” and it should matter to the Democrats, given the battleground states and how close things are going to be.

AMY GOODMAN: You know, it’s interesting. Every time there’s even a passing reference to Gaza or to Israel-Palestine from the main stage, there is deafening applause. When Raphael Warnock, the senator from Georgia, the reverend, mentioned at the end, you know, that Palestinians, Israelis, Ukrainians are all children of God, I mean, deafening applause, right through to last night. And these are passing references. Zaha Hassan, you have written in +972 Magazine about U.S. policy, and particularly Democratic policy, over the years, from Clinton to Obama to what we’re seeing now. And last night was the big night of the Obamas on the stage. Both Michelle Obama spoke and President Obama. Can you talk about the trajectory and whether it is significantly or meaningfully different from Republican policy on Gaza, Israel, Palestine?

ZAHA HASSAN: No. In fact, I think there’s been an almost competition between Democrats and Republicans on “how much can we show Israel that we support them and that we have their back?” And so, what we’ve had in terms of the U.S. position on negotiations is that each administration has tried to, you know, diminish the Palestinian negotiating position in order to gain support from Israel for, you know, domestically in the U.S., to show that this administration, whether Republican or Democrat, is the true friend of Israel. And in the process, it’s prevented really a resolution between Palestinians and Israelis. Why should Israel ever compromise its positions if they know that by holding out, they’ll get more goodies from the U.S. in terms of changing the parameters for a peace agreement?

And so, this sort of dynamic, we’re also seeing it play out in terms of the ceasefire negotiations. The U.S. is unwilling to offer any leverage to press Israel and, in fact, is offering it goodies in terms of more weapon supplies and more diplomatic cover at the U.N. and other fora. And this just prevents getting to an agreement.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: I wanted to ask you about something related. You posted on social media recently about Israel’s targeting of a Palestinian journalist in Gaza who was working on a short documentary for Carnegie, where you are a fellow. What happened there?

ZAHA HASSAN: So, you know, we had this short documentary. We wanted to shed light on sort of how dangerous it has been for Palestinian journalists to cover the situation in Gaza. You know, foreign journalists are not allowed in. So, while these Palestinian journalists are covering, they’re also trying to stay alive. They’re trying to take care of their families. They’re facing evacuation orders. They’re being targeted. And so we wanted to just, in a very brief way, show what life is like every day for the journalists trying to cover. And during the course of this short documentary, the journalist that we were — that was offering a narration got targeted, and he lost his leg.

AMY GOODMAN: I want to play two clips for you. At the DNC last night, Democracy Now!’s Renée Feltz briefly spoke to Maryland Congressmember Jamie Raskin, who has supported a Gaza ceasefire.

RENÉE FELTZ: Representative Raskin, what did you think of the protest last night?

REP. JAMIE RASKIN: I was up there, so I didn’t see the protest.

RENÉE FELTZ: And they unfurled a banner. You know, they’re asking for a ceasefire.

REP. JAMIE RASKIN: Well, I thought that President Biden made a very powerful statement in his speech. … But right now I think the vast majority of the people in this room want to see the hostages come home, a ceasefire, and a comprehensive agreement that will break the cycle of terrorism, war and occupation. And I think everybody wants to get out of it as quickly as possible.

AMY GOODMAN: That was Democratic Congressmember Jamie Raskin of Maryland. Democracy Now! also spoke to Rima Mohammad, an “uncommitted” delegate from Michigan.

RIMA MOHAMMAD: I’m Palestinian. Both my grandparents were Nakba survivors of 1948. I have family still in Israel. So, they’re in Akka. They’re feeling traumatized as this goes on. I also have close family friends that have lost hundreds of their family members. So, this is very personal to me. But also, as this keeps going on, it is impacting my life and a lot of other Muslim and Palestinians here in the U.S., with an increase in anti-Palestinian racism, Islamophobia and so much hate, for something that we’re asking for humanity. We’re not asking for anything more, but just to respect. So, that’s why — this is how this is impacting me personally. …

Regardless of who the Democratic nominee is, you know, or who even the president is, been living that throughout my life, but it has increased since Gaza, since the genocide that’s happening in Gaza is going on. So, it’s a little bit dehumanizing, to be honest, for me to have to be — all that weight to be on my shoulder as a Palestinian that is facing racism, facing hate, to then say, “Well, wait, why — who are you going to choose between Trump and Biden?” I want to choose true democracy. I’m a true Democrat, but I also don’t believe what we’re doing in Gaza is democratic.

AMY GOODMAN: Again, that was Rima Mohammad, an uncommitted delegate from Michigan who is Palestinian American. Your thoughts, Zaha Hassan? As, you know, we hear, last night was the virtual roll call vote. They had already taken it virtually, but actually it was the ceremonial one on the floor. And you would hear in certain states those that had not committed to Harris-Walz. Although it wasn’t talked about in that way, I assume that the vast majority of them had to do with being uncommitted, like Rima.

ZAHA HASSAN: Yeah. I mean, you know, I was on the floor yesterday and the day before, and I’m coming across the uncommitted voters. I’m coming across just plain old Democrats that are really hungry to hear some kind of policy difference between Biden’s approach and what a prospective President Harris’s approach would be, and they’re not hearing it.

We know from a YouGov poll that was recently done by the Institute for Middle East Understanding that between like 34% and over 40% of the independent and Democrats that were polled say that if the Democratic nominee would say that they would have an arms embargo on Israel or if they would be able to deliver a ceasefire, that if Biden was able to deliver a ceasefire, that they would be more likely to support the Democratic nominee.

I mean, this should be, you know, a clarion call for the Harris campaign. They should be willing to come out and offer a vision of what a Harris presidency would look like. They should be putting pressure on the president himself to do something before November 4th. But you don’t see this urgency. What you’re seeing in this heavily managed convention is an effort to avoid talking about Gaza at all. And this is problematic if you want to win in November.

AMY GOODMAN: We want to thank you for being with us, Zaha Hassan, human rights lawyer, fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, previously the senior legal adviser to the Palestinian negotiating team during Palestine’s bid for U.N. membership.

Democracy Now! is expanded to two hours during this week, broadcasting from Chicago from the Democratic National Convention. In our other hour, we will speak with a congressmember who was targeted by AIPAC and ultimately lost his seat. He is Andy Levin of Michigan. He was a synagogue president. We’ll also be hearing from doctors who have just returned from Gaza, American doctors who came to the DNC to speak about their experiences.

But coming up, immigration is one of the biggest issues of this year’s race. We’ll host a roundtable discussion. Stay with us.